Indian Parliament on the issue of Tibet LOK SABHA DEBATES 1952 -2005 Tibetan Parliamentary & Policy Research Centre is happy to bring out the compilation of debates, discussion and questions on Tibet or issues related to Tibet in both the houses of Indian Parliament in two volumes.
Excerpts from: Witness to Tibet’s History by Baba Phuntsok Wangyal Publisher : Paljor Publications Pvt. Ltd. Respected General-Secretary Hu Jintao
My greetings! At the time when you were selected as General Secretary at the CCP’s Sixteenth Congress I was in America giving lectures; I sent my telegraphed message of congratulations through the Chinese Embassy in New York. Recently you were additionally voted Chairman of the Military Committee, and for that I would like to express my sincere congratulations! And I believe that under the leadership of the Central Party Government, headed by you, there will be great progress seen in all fields of the nation’s work!
Excerpts from A Tibetan Revolutionary: The Political Life and Times of Bapa Phüntso Wangye by Melvyn C. Goldstein, Dawei Sherap, William R. Siebenschuh
In late 1980, I decided to participate actively in the major discussions that were in progress regarding revising the national constitution. I had experienced firsthand how individual leaders could ignore or reverse policies with relative ease, so I wanted the government to add clauses to the constitution that clearly spelled out the rights of nationalities. If this was done properly, these rights would not just be policies, they would be the law, and they would stand regardless of subsequent changes in leadership or future political campaigns.
I am directed to refer to your letter dated the 5th February 1945, in which the Government of India were asked to state their considered views on the whole question of policy towards Tibet, and in particular on the following points, (1) The degree and nature of the autonomy which it is considered Tibet should enjoy and the significance to be attached to the conception of Chinese suzerainty; (2) How far His Majesty’s Government and the Government of India should be prepared to go in support of Tibetan autonomy; (3) The line to be adopted in any international discussion on of this subject and whether the initiative should be taken to encourage such international discussion.
roadmap derives from the watershed. I had not taken the possibility of
Tibetan independence into serious consideration before the incident in
Tibet in 2008. It serves as the watershed that compels me to realize
that Tibetan independence, for a long time being a fantasy, has turned
into an emerging issue and reached the eyesight of the public. This
change is brought by none other than the “anti-secession” institutions
in China’s bureaucratic system.
Since the renewal of direct contact
with the Central Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in
2002, extensive discussions have been held between the envoys of His
Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and representatives of the Central
Government. In these discussions we have put forth clearly the
aspirations of Tibetans. The essence of the Middle Way Approach is to
secure genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the scope of the
Constitution of the PRC. This is of mutual benefit and based on the
long-term interest of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.
Zhang was born in Beijing in 1955. He received an MA in economics from
Zhongguo Renmin Daxue in 1982 and in 1985 passed the entrance
examination for the Institute of Philosophy of the graduate school of
the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. His research has been on
critical theory in continental Europe in modern western philosophy. He
obtained MA and PhD degrees in philosophy in 1988 and 1991. He has held
a post in the Philosophy Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social
Sciences from 1991 to the present.
The United States is pleased that the Dalai Lama’s Special Envoys were hosted by Chinese officials in Guilin, China, February 15 - 23, 2006 and that they had the opportunity to meet in Bern, Switzerland, June 29-30, 2005. These were the fourth and fifth meetings between the two sides since they renewed contact in September 2002. The other visits occurred in September 2002, May 2003, and September 2004. We have consistently urged Chinese officials to continue such contacts, and, in public statements and through diplomatic channels, have pressed for direct and substantive dialogue, without preconditions, that will lead to a negotiated settlement of outstanding differences.
The International Mistake of The Century explores the primary reasons why there has been no solution, nor significant move towards a solution, for the crisis in Tibet. A primary reason is that the United Nations, and individual Member States, have been conducting their decisions based on the false assumption that Tibet is not a "State", but "an internal affair" of China. UN official records show this to be a mistake.
The demise of Mr. Deng Xiaoping is a great loss for China. I had known him personally when I visited China in 1954. Mr. Deng Xiaoping was a man of few words. He was a revolutionary and a great leader of China with an exceptional courage, perseverance, capability and leadership ability. Even in a large country that has a lot of problems there will certainly be some successes and some benefits. But as Mr. Deng was the leader of the Communist party’s totalitarian system, even if he personally wanted to do some good, the system itself dictates what to do...
I am deeply concerned about reports that the whereabouts of Gedhun
Choekyi Nyima from Lhari district in Nagchu, Tibet, whom I have
recognized as the reincarnation of the late Panchen Lama, is not known
publicly since some time. The institution of the Panchen Lama is of
great importance to Tibetan Buddhism and to the people of Tibet. It is,
therefore, extremely important that his monastery, Tashi Lhunpo, is
able to take care of the proper religious training of the young Panchen
It is an established fact that Tibet and China existed as separate
countries in the past. However, as a result of misrepresentations of
Tibet’s unique relationship with the Mongol and Manchu emperors,
disputes arose between Tibet and the Kuomintang and present Chinese
I hesitate to write again so soon after having written to you on September 8, 1987 before my departure for the United States. I am aware of the pressure on your time. However, because of the urgency of the matter I am compelled to encroach upon your precious time. Tibet is culturally the child of India. Tibetans always consider India as a holy and sacred land. Today, in the hour of our great tragedy the Tibetan people pin our entire hope in India. There is a Tibetan saying, "the right place for a child to cry is before its mother". As I have mentioned in my previous letter, I have presented the enclosed five-point proposal after I had spoken at the Human Rights Caucus at Capitol Hill. The response of the members of the U.S. Congress was most favourable. Chairmen of both the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the House Foreign Affairs Committee endorsed my initiative and wrote to the Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang. Their move was supported by ranking members of both the committees. I enclose a copy of that letter here.
You will kindly recall that I had submitted to you two memorandum and a three-page letter on the issue of Tibet and its relevance to the security of India. At that time, I had also expressed the view that because of the rise in the tension on the Indo-Tibetan border it was an opportune time to review the Government of India’s policy on Tibet.
I am submitting this memorandum which is related to my earlier memorandum of May 29, 1985. I stated then that for the mutual benefit of both India and Tibet in the long run, there was a need for a careful review of the present policy of the Government of India. In this respect I would like to submit a few suggestions...
I agree with, and
believe in the Communist ideology which seeks the well-being of human beings in
general and the proletariat in particular, and in Lenin’s policy of equality of
nationalities. Similarly, I was pleased with the discussions I had with
Chairman Mao on ideology and policy towards nationalities...
On August 1, 1969, the CIA prepared for the 303 Committee a 14-page update on regional intelligence activities that included information and recommendations concerning the Tibetan operations. The report stated in part..
Report on the sufferings of the masses in Tibet and other Tibetan regions and suggestions for future work to the central authorities through the respected Premier Zhou Enlai (1962) ...Putting aside any personal purposes, sincere in the interests of the people and for the reputation of the Party, I would like to use todayâ€™s rare and excellent opportunity to report major matters concerning Tibet,together with that part which should be reported to the central authorities of some of the bitter circumstances in the Tibetan areas with which I became acquainted by direct and indirect methods when I visited provinces including Yunnan, Sichuan and Qinghai, which have jurisdiction over those areas.
Speech given by the Dalai Lama at the Symposium on Buddhism’s contribution to Art, Letters, and Philosophy on November 29, 1956, in New Delhi. The world celebrates the 2500th anniversary of Buddha's birth.
The Tibetan nationality is one of the nationalities with a long history within the boundaries of China and, like many other nationalities, it has done its glorious duty in the course of the creation and development of the great Motherland. But, over the last 100 years or more, imperialist forces penetrated into China and in consequence a 150 penetrated into the Tibetan
The Tibetan nationality is one of the nationalities with a long history within the boundaries of China and, like many other nationalities, it has done its glorious duty in the course of the creation and development of the great Motherland. But, over the last 100 years or more, imperialist forces penetrated into China and in consequence a 150 penetrated into the Tibetan region and earned out all kinds of deceptions and provocations.
Since the Chinese Revolution of 1911, when Chinese forces were withdrawn
from Tibet, Tibet has enjoyed de facto independence. She has ever since
regarded herself as in practice completely autonomous and has opposed
Chinese attempts to reassert control.